Neighbourhood
India and its Neighborhood
Afghanistan
| Area | |
|---|---|
| • Total | 652,230 km2(40th) |
| • Water (%) | negligible |
| Population | |
| • 2019 estimate | 32,225,560 (44th) |
| • Density | 46/km2 (174th) |
| GDP (PPP) | 2018 estimate |
| • Total | $72.911 billion(96th) |
| • Per capita | $2,024(169th) |
| GDP (nominal) | 2018 estimate |
| • Total | $21.657 billion (111st) |
| • Per capita | $601(177th) |
| Gini (2008) |  27.8low · 1st |
| HDI (2018) |  0.496low · 170th |
The Republic of India was the only South Asian country to recognize the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in the 1980s, though relations were diminished during the 1990s Afghan civil war and the Taliban government. India aided the overthrow of the Taliban and became the largest regional provider of humanitarian and reconstruction aid to the present-day Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
History
Relations between the people of Afghanistan and India traces to the Indus Valley Civilisation. Following Alexander, the Great’s brief occupation, the successor state of the Seleucid Empire controlled the region known today as Afghanistan. In 305 BCE, they ceded much of it to the Indian Maurya Empire as part of an alliance treaty.
The Mauryans brought Buddhism from India and controlled the area south of the Hindu Kush. Their decline began 60 years after Ashoka’s rule ended, leading to the Hellenistic reconquest of the region by the Greco-Bactrians. Much of it soon broke away from the Greco-Bactrians and became part of the Indo-Greek Kingdom. The Indo-Greeks had been defeated and expelled by the Indo-Scythians in the late 2nd century BCE. Much of Afghanistan has been influenced by Buddhist, Hindu and Zoroastrian cultures until the arrival of Islam in the 7th century. But despite many Afghans converting to Islam, the Muslims and Hindus lived side by side.
Between the 10th century to the mid 18th century, northern India has been invaded by a number of invaders based in what today is Afghanistan. Among them were the Ghaznavids, Ghurids, Khaljis, Suris, Mughals and Durranis. During these eras, especially during the Mughal period (1526–1858), many Afghans began immigrating to India due to political unrest in their regions.
Soviet occupation to Taliban regime
The Republic of India was the only South Asian nation to recognize the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union’s military presence in Afghan territories, and provided humanitarian aid to President Najibullah’s Government in Afghanistan. Following the withdrawal of the Soviet armed forces from Afghanistan in 1989, India continued to support Najibullah’s government with humanitarian aid. After its fall, India together with the international community supported the coalition government that took control, but relations and contacts ended with the outbreak of another civil war, which brought to power the Taliban, an Islamist militia supported by Pakistan. The Taliban regime was recognized only by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The destruction of the Bamiyan Buddha monuments by the Taliban led to outrage and angry protests by India. In 1999, the hijacked Indian Airlines Flight 814 landed and stayed in Kandahar in Afghanistan and the Taliban were suspected of supporting them. India became one of the key supporters of the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance.
Since 2001
During the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, India offered intelligence and other forms of support for the Coalition forces. After the overthrow of the Taliban, India established diplomatic relations with the newly established democratic government, provided aid and participated in the reconstruction efforts. India has provided $650–750 million in humanitarian and economic aid, making it the largest regional provider of aid for Afghanistan. India’s support and collaboration extends to rebuilding of air links, power plants and investing in health and education sectors as well as helping to train Afghan civil servants, diplomats and police. India also seeks the development of supply lines of electricity, oil and natural gas. Also to give Afghan students scholarships.
The new Afghan Parliament building has been built by India.In 2005, India proposed Afghanistan’s membership in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). Both nations also developed strategic and military cooperation against Islamic militants.
During the 15th SAARC summit in Colombo, India pledged another $450 million alongside a further $750 million already pledged for ongoing and forthcoming projects. In August 2008, Afghan President Hamid Karzai visited New Delhi. This visit further strengthened bilateral relations, and Prime Minister Singh pledged further aid for Afghanistan.
India seeks to expand its economic presence in Afghanistan as the international coalition fighting the Taliban withdraws combat forces through 2014. Especially, it wants to improve transport connectivity and economic collaboration with countries in Central and South Asia. India has already invested $10.8 billion in Afghanistan as of 2012. More such projects are likely to come up after Nato’s withdrawal. This includes setting up Iron ore mines, a 6 MTPA steel plant (by SAIL—Steel Authority of India Limited), an 800 MW power plant, Hydro-electric power projects, transmission lines, roads, etc., India helped Afghans in the reconstruction of Salma Dam in the Herat province. Besides producing 42 MW power, this Indo-Afghan friendship dam provides irrigation for 75,000 hectares of farmland in the Chisti Sharif district. India and Iran are set to ink a transit agreement on transporting goods to landlocked Afghanistan. The Indian government is investing more than US$100 million in the expansion of the Chabahar port in southeastern Iran which will serve as a hub for the transportation of transit goods. Besides as a goodwill gesture, India has also constructed a new Parliament complex for the Afghan government at a cost of INR 710 crores ($115 million). This building was inaugurated on 25 December 2015. Since Pakistan refused land access, India & Afghanistan have established two air corridors to facilitate bilateral trade.Indian embassy and consulates in Afghanistan
India operates an embassy in Kabul and consulates in Herat, Kandahar, Jalalabad, and Mazar-e-Sharif.
Bangladesh
| Area | |
|---|---|
| • Total | 147,570 km2 (92nd) |
| • Water (%) | 6.4 |
| Population | |
| • 2018 estimate | 161,376,708 (8th) |
| • 2011 census | 149,772,364(8th) |
| • Density | 1,106/km2(7th) |
| GDP (PPP) | 2019 estimate |
| • Total | $837.588 billion (29th) |
| • Per capita | $5,028 (136th) |
| GDP (nominal) | 2019 estimate |
| • Total | $317.465 billion (39th) |
| • Per capita | $1,906 (143th) |
| Gini (2016) | 32.4 medium |
| HDI (2018) | 0.614 medium · 135th |
Bangladesh and India are South Asian neighbours. Relations have been friendly, although sometimes there are border disputes. The historic land boundary agreement was signed on 6 June 2015 which opened a new era in the relations and further stopped all irritants in ties. They are common members of SAARC, BIMSTEC, IORA and the Commonwealth. The two countries share many cultural ties. In particular, Bangladesh and the east Indian state of West Bengal are Bengali-speaking. Bangladesh has a high commission in New Delhi with consulates in Mumbai and Kolkata. India has a high commission in Dhaka with a consulate in Chittagong.
A major area of contention has been the construction and operation of the Farakka Barrage by India to increase water supply in the river Hoogly. Bangladesh insists that it does not receive a fair share of the Ganges waters during the drier seasons, and gets flooded during the monsoons when India releases excess waters. See also Sharing of Ganges Waters.
There have also been disputes regarding the transfer of Teen Bigha Corridor to Bangladesh. Part of Bangladesh is surrounded by the Indian state of West Bengal. On 26 June 1992, India leased three bigha land to Bangladesh to connect this enclave with mainland Bangladesh. There was a dispute regarding the indefinite nature of the lease. The dispute was resolved by a mutual agreement between India and Bangladesh in 2011.
From October 2013, India started exporting 500 megawatts of electricity a day to Bangladesh over a period of 35 years.
From November 2013, A Wagah Border-like ceremony is being organised at Petrapole (in West Bengal, India) – Benapole (Bangladesh) border checkpoint. The ceremony which includes parades, march-past and lowering of the national flag of both the countries is now a daily routine, at sundown, on the eastern border.
Indian External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj visited Bangladesh in her first official overseas trip in June, 2014. On 7 May 2015 the Indian Parliament, in the presence of Bangladeshi diplomats, unanimously passed the Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) as its 100th Constitutional amendment, thereby resolving all 68-year old border disputes since the end of the British Raj. The bill was pending ratification since the 1974 Mujib-Indira accords.
During Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s state visit to Bangladesh during June 2015 as many as 22 agreements were signed by two sides. During the visit India extended a US$2 billion line of credit to Bangladesh & pledged US$5 billion worth of investments. As per the agreements, India’s Reliance Power agreed to invest US$3 billion to set up a 3,000 MW LNG-based power plant (which is the single largest foreign investment ever made in Bangladesh). Adani Power will also be setting up a 1600 MW coal-fired power plant at a cost of US$1.5 billion.
Myanmar
| Area | |
|---|---|
| • Total | 676,578 km2 (39th) |
| • Water (%) | 3.06 |
| Population | |
| • 2017 census | 53,582,855 (2017)(25th) |
| • Density | 76/km2 (125th) |
| GDP (PPP) | 2019 estimate |
| • Total | $355 billion (51st) |
| • Per capita | $6,707 (128th) |
| GDP (nominal) | 2019 estimate |
| • Total | $66 billion (72nd) |
| • Per capita | $1,245 (155th) |
| Gini (2015) | 38.1 medium |
| HDI (2018) | 0.584 medium · 145th |
India had long historical relationship with Myanmar since antiquity, cultural exchanges included Buddhism and the Burmese script, which was based off the Indian Grantha script. In particular, Theravada Buddhism has tremendously influenced Burmese society and culture for millennia, with 90% continuing to follow the religion to this day.
Myanmar (formerly Burma) was made a province of British India by British rulers and again separated in 1937. It was in Japanese-occupied Burma that Indian nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose delivered his “Give me blood and I will give you freedom!” slogan, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi highlighted Burma’s role in the Indian independence movement.
India established diplomatic relations after Myanmar’s independence from Great Britain in 1948. For many years, Indo-Burmese relations were strong due to Myanmar previously having been a province of India, due to cultural links, flourishing commerce, common interests in regional affairs and the presence of a significant Indian community in Myanmar. India provided considerable support when Myanmar struggled with regional insurgencies. However, the overthrow of the democratic government by the Military of Myanmar led to strains in ties. Along with much of the world, India condemned the suppression of democracy and Myanmar ordered the expulsion of the Burmese Indian community, increasing its own isolation from the world. Only China maintained close links with Myanmar while India supported the pro-democracy movement.
A major breakthrough occurred in 1987 when the then-Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi visited Myanmar, but relations worsened after the military junta’s reaction towards pro-democracy movements in 1988, which resulted in an influx of Burmese refugees into India. However, since 1993 the governments of the Indian Prime Ministers P. V. Narasimha Rao and Atal Bihari Vajpayee changed course and began to establish warmer relations between the two nations, as part of a wider foreign policy of increasing India’s participation and influence in Southeast Asia, in light of the growing influence of the People’s Republic of China.
Economic relations
India is the largest market for Burmese exports, buying about US$ 220 million worth of goods in 2000; India’s exports to Myanmar stood at US$75.36 million. India is Burma’s 4th largest trading partner after Thailand, China and Singapore, and second largest export market after Thailand, absorbing 25 percent of its total exports. India is also the seventh most important source of Burma’s imports. The governments of India and Myanmar had set a target of achieving $1 billion and bilateral trade reached US$1.3 billion by 2017. The Indian government has worked to extend air, land and sea routes to strengthen trade links with Myanmar and establish a gas pipeline. While the involvement of India’s private sector has been low and growing at a slow pace, both governments are proceeding to enhance cooperation in agriculture, telecommunications, information technology, steel, oil, natural gas, hydrocarbons and food processing. The bilateral border trade agreement of 1994 provides for border trade to be carried out from three designated border points, one each in Manipur, Mizoram and Nagaland.
India-Myanmar-Thailand Friendship Highway
India and Myanmar have agreed to a 4-lane, 3200 km triangular highway connecting India, Myanmar and Thailand. The route, which is expected to have completed during 2016,runs from India’s northeastern states into Myanmar, where over 1,600 km of roads were built or improved.
The route begins from Guwahati in India and connects to Mandalay in Myanmar, route continues to Yangon in Myanmar and then to Mae Sot in Thailand, which then continues to Bangkok.
The first phase connecting Guwahati to Mandalay is set to complete by 2016. This will eventually be extended to Cambodia and Vietnam under Mekong-Ganga Cooperation within the wider framework of Asian Highway Network. This is aimed at creating a new economic zone ranging from Kolkata on the Bay of Bengal to Ho Chi Minh City on the South China Sea.
As of Nov 2014, this project is likely to be completed and fully operational by 2016.
China
| Area | |
|---|---|
| • Total | 9,596,961 km2 (3rd) |
| • Water (%) | 2.8% |
| Population | |
| • 2018 estimate | 1,427,647,786 (1st) |
| • 2010 census | 1,339,724,852 (1st) |
| • Density | 145/km2 (83rd) |
| GDP (PPP) | 2019 estimate |
| • Total | $27.309 trillion (1st) |
| • Per capita | $19,504 (73rd) |
| GDP (nominal) | 2019 estimate |
| • Total | $14.140 trillion (2nd) |
| • Per capita | $10,099 (67th) |
| Gini (2018) |  46.7high |
| HDI (2018) | 0.758 high · 85th |
China–India relations, also called Sino-Indian relations or Indo-Chinese relations, refers to the bilateral relationship between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of India. Although the relationship has been cordial, there are border disputes and economic competition between the two countries that have at times led to strained relations. The modern relationship began in 1950 when India was among the first countries to end formal ties with the Republic of China (Taiwan) and recognize the PRC as the legitimate government of Mainland China. China and India are the two most populous countries and fastest-growing major economies in the world. Growth in diplomatic and economic influence has increased the significance of their bilateral relationship.
Cultural and economic relations between China and India date back to ancient times. The Silk Road not only served as a major trade route between India and China, but is also credited for facilitating the spread of Buddhism from India to East Asia. During the 19th century, China’s growing opium trade with the British East India Company triggered the First and Second Opium Wars. During World War II, British India and China both played a crucial role in halting the progress of Imperial Japan.
Relations between contemporary China and India have been characterised by border disputes, resulting in three military conflicts — the Sino-Indian War of 1962, the Chola incident in 1967, and the 1987 Sino-Indian skirmish. In early 2017, the two countries clashed at the Doklam plateau along the disputed Sino-Bhutanese border. However, since the late 1980s, both countries have successfully rebuilt diplomatic and economic ties. In 2008, China became India’s largest trading partner and the two countries have also extended their strategic and military relations. Apart from trade and commerce, there are some other areas of mutual interest on which China and India have been cooperating of late. In the words of Rejaul Karim Laskar, a scholar of Indian foreign policy, “Currently, the two countries are cooperating on a range of international like trade, climate change and reform of the global financial order, among others, to promote common interest”.
Despite growing economic and strategic ties, there are several hurdles for India and the PRC to overcome. India faces trade imbalance heavily in some favor of China. The two countries failed to resolve their border dispute and Indian media outlets have repeatedly reported Chinese military incursions into Indian territory. Both countries have steadily established military infrastructure along border areas. Additionally, India remains wary about China’s strong strategic bilateral relations with Pakistan, while China has expressed concerns about Indian military and economic activities in the disputed South China Sea.
In June 2012, China stated its position that “Sino-Indian ties” could be the most “important bilateral partnership of the century”. That month Wen Jiabao, the Premier of China and Manmohan Singh, the Prime Minister of India set a goal to increase bilateral trade between the two countries to US$100 billion by 2015
Bilateral trade between China and India touched US$89.6 billion in 2017-18, with the trade deficit widening to US$62.9 billion in China’s favor. In 2017, the volume of bilateral trade between India & China stands at US$84.5 billion. This figure excludes bilateral trade between India & Hong Kong which stands at another US$34 billion.
According to a 2014 BBC World Service Poll, 23% of Indians view China positively, with 47% expressing a negative view, whereas 27% of Chinese people view India positively, with 35% expressing a negative view. A 2014 survey conducted by the Pew Research Center showed 72% of Indians were concerned that territorial disputes between China and neighboring countries could lead to a military conflict.
The President of China, Xi Jinping, was one of the top world leaders to visit New Delhi after Narendra Modi took over as Prime Minister of India in 2014. India’s insistence to raise South China Sea in various multilateral forums subsequently did not help that beginning once again, the relationship facing suspicion from Indian administration and media alike. In 2020, the 70th anniversary of India-China diplomatic ties, 70 events will be held in the celebration by the two countries. Various other activities are also planned.
Border disputes between India and China
The India-China borders can be broken down into three sectors
Western Sector – DISPUTED – This comprises the Aksai Chin sector. This region which originally was a part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir is claimed by China as part of its autonomous Xinjiang region. After the 1962 war, it is administered by China. It is the second largest Indo-China border area covering over 38000 sq. km. However, it is an uninhabited land. While India claims the entire Aksai Chin territory as well as the Shaksgam valley (Indian territory gifted to China by Pakistan), China contests Indian control over Daulat Beg Oldi (a tehsil in Leh, south of Aksai China-it is believed to host the world’s highest airstrip)
Central Sector – UNDISPUTED – Although China has recognised India’s sovereignty over Sikkim and had initiated the trade at Nathu La pass, the Doklam fiasco could mean trouble at all ends.
Eastern Sector – DISPUTED – The Arunachal Pradesh border that China still claims to be its own territory is the largest disputed area, covering around 90000 sq. km. It was formally called North East Frontier Agency. During the 1962 war, the People’s Liberation Army occupied it but they announced a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew respecting the international boundary (Mcmahon Line). However, it has continued to assert its claim over the territory. Nowadays, almost the whole of Arunachal is claimed by China.
Johnson Line vs McDonald Line
The two nations have held on to their own stands even on the Johnson line and McDonald line which demarcates the territories of the two.
Johnson Line – India’s accepted demarcation – It marks Aksai Chin as an Indian territory
McDonald Line – China’s stance – It marks Aksai Chin as Chinese territory
The India-China War of 1962
The pretext of the war was a dispute over the sovereignty of the Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh.
But, in reality, there were many reasons and the prominent one was China’s perception of India as a threat to its rule of Tibet.
The war was preceded by various conflicts and military incidents between India and China throughout the summer of 1962.
Then on October 20, 1962, People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China invaded India in Ladakh and across the Mcmahon line in the Arunachal Pradesh.
Until the start of the war, India was confident that a war would not happen and made little preparations.
After a month long War, China unilaterally declared a ceasefire on 19 November 1962. By then China has made significant advances on both the fronts. India suffered a huge setback and was badly defeated.
China achieved its objective of acquiring control in the Aksai chin. In the eastern sector, their troops went back to the north of the Mcmahon line.
India-China border conflicts after the war
There have been several instances of Chinese troops entering the Indian side and Indian troops entering the Chinese side.
Still, the Indo-China border has remained largely peaceful, except in 1967 when there were two incidents of armed conflict first at Nathu La and then at Cho La.
It started when the PLA launched an attack on Indian posts at Nathu La. The conflict at Nathu La lasted 5 days and the one at Cho La ended the same day.
The outcome was more pleasing to India as they were able to send back the Chinese military and therefore the 1967 conflicts are seen as a success for India.
Agreements and initiatives to resolve the border disputes
Shimla agreement of 1914: To demarcate the boundary between Tibet and North East India, a convention was held at Shimla in 1914, representatives of all three i.e. Tibet, China and British India. After the discussion, the agreement was signed by British India and Tibet but not by the Chinese officials. Presently India recognises the Mcmahon line, as agreed by the Shimla convention, as the legal boundary between India and China. However, China rejects the Shimla agreement and the Mcmahon line, contending that Tibet was not a sovereign state and therefore did not have the power to conclude treaties.
Panchsheel Agreement of 1954: The Panchsheel doctrine clearly indicated the willingness to ‘Respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity’. Although we have come a long way since, from 1962 war to the cold peace era of 1962-1989, to the revived tensions of the present, the intent of the doctrine was well directed. It must have acted as a safeguard against any such disputes arising at the first place.
In 1989, India-China formed a Joint Working Group for Confidence building measures (CBMs) and agreed to mutually settle all border disputes.
India-China Agreements regarding the Line of Actual Control (LAC): The LAC is the effective military border which separates Indian controlled areas of Jammu and Kashmir from Aksai Chin. It is to be noted that this border is not a legally recognised international boundary, but rather it is the practical boundary. Conventionally, India considers the Johnson line of 1865, marked by a civil servant W.H. Johnson, which put Aksai Chin in Jammu and Kashmir. On the other hand, China recognises the Macartney-Macdonald Line as the actual boundary which puts Aksai Chin in Xinjiang region of China. In 1993, when the then Prime Minister Narasimha Rao visited China, ‘The Agreement for Maintenance of Peace and Tranquillity along the LAC‘ has been signed between India and China. In 1996 an agreement took place on Confidence Building Measures in the military field along the LAC.
In 2003 India and China signed a Declaration on Principles for Relations and Comprehensive Cooperation and also mutually decided to appoint Special Representatives to explore the framework of a boundary settlement from the political perspective. The India-China relations received a major boost in 2003. China recognised India’s sovereignty over Sikkim. This was also followed by a framework of Guiding principles and political parameters to improve bilateral ties. It proposed a three-step resolution to the border disputes:
a. A bilateral agreement on the laid down principles.
b. This was to be followed by an exchange of maps between the two countries.
c. Once satisfied with the markings, the final demarcation of borders was to take place.
In 2005 a protocol was agreed on Modalities for the implementation of Confidence Building Measures in the Military field along the LAC.
In 2012 India and China agreed on the establishment of a working mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India China borders.
Clearly, the policies have not sufficed in realising a solution to the long-standing disputes. A status-quo exists owing to the face-off between differential aspirations of the two nations. While China’s support for resolution of border disputes stands subservient to Tibet issue, India would continue to hold on to the Tibet card unless the border-disputes are resolved. Besides, the changing global and regional picture – from China’s move towards ‘assertive regionalism’, its strengthening ties with Pakistan and its complete disregard for counter-opinions on contentious issues like South-China sea – has only worsened the chances of a quick resolution.
What is the recent Doklam issue?
The offensive stand of China on Doko La (Doklam) and India’s strong warning in return, is the latest addition to the worries that spoil Indo-China relations.
It started when India (Indian Army) objected a road construction by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China in the Doklam plateau which China claims to be a part of its Donglang region. However, India and Bhutan recognise it as Doklam, a Bhutan territory.
Later, China accused Indian troops of entering in its territory and India accused the Chinese of destroying its bunkers (People’s Liberation Army bulldozed an old bunker of the Indian army stationed in Doklam).
Thereafter China stopped the passage pilgrims heading toward Kailash-Mansarovar through the Nathu La pass, Sikkim. The route is a better alternative to Lepu Lekh route via Uttarakhand and had been opened for pilgrims in 2015.
Hereafter, both India and China increased the presence of their troops and since then there has been a war of words especially from the Chinese state media.
Although a military standoff was averted, diplomatic negotiations have not yielded many results to cool-off the passions across the border.
Pakistan
| Area | |
|---|---|
| • Total | 881,913 km2 (33rd) |
| • Water (%) | 2.86 |
| Population | |
| • 2017 census | 207.8 million (5th) |
| • Density | 244.4/km2 (56th) |
| GDP (PPP) | 2019 estimate |
| • Total | $1.202 trillion(24th) |
| • Per capita | $5,871 (133rd) |
| GDP (nominal) | 2019 estimate |
| • Total | $284.2 billion(42nd) |
| • Per capita | $1,388 (148th) |
| Gini (2015) | 33.5 medium |
| HDI (2018) |  0.560medium · 152nd |
Relations between India and Pakistan have been complex and largely hostile due to a number of historical and political events. Relations between the two states have been defined by the violent partition of British India in 1947, the Kashmir conflict, and the numerous military conflicts fought between the two nations. Consequently, their relationship has been plagued by hostility and suspicion. Currently after Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, Pakistan cut off bilateral and trade relations with India, recalled the Pakistani ambassador to India, and expelled the High Commissioner of India to Pakistan.
Seeds of conflict during the independence
About half a million Muslims and Hindus were killed in communal riots following the partition of British India. Millions of Muslims living in India and Hindus and Sikhs living in Pakistan emigrated in one of the most colossal transfers of population in the modern era. Both countries accused each other of not providing adequate security to the minorities emigrating through their territory. This served to increase tensions between the newly-born countries.
According to the British plan for the partition of British India, all the 680 princely states were allowed to decide which of the two countries to join. With the exception of a few, most of the Muslim-majority princely-states acceded to Pakistan while most of the Hindu-majority princely states joined India. However, the decisions of some of the princely-states would shape the Pakistan-India relationship considerably in the years to come.
Kashmir conflict
Kashmir was a Muslim-majority princely state, ruled by a Hindu king, Maharaja Hari Singh. At the time of the partition of India, Maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of the state, preferred to remain independent and did not want to join either the Union of India or the Dominion of Pakistan. He wanted both India and Pakistan to recognise his princely state as an independent neutral country.
Despite the standstill agreement with Pakistan, teams of Pakistani forces were dispatched into Kashmir. Backed by Pakistani paramilitary forces, Pashtun Mehsud tribals invaded Kashmir in October 1947 under the code name “Operation Gulmarg” to seize Kashmir. They reached and captured Baramulla on 25 October. Instead of moving on to Srinagar just 50 km away and capturing its undefended airfield, they stayed there for several days. Kashmir’s security forces turned out to be too weak and ill-equipped to fight against Pakistan. Fearing that this invasion would bring about an accession to Pakistan, the Maharaja now turned to India and requested India for troops to safeguard Kashmir. Indian Prime Minister Nehru was ready to send the troops, but the acting Governor General of India, Lord Mountbatten of Burma, advised the Maharaja to accede to India before India could send its troops. Hence, considering the emergent situation he signed the instrument of accession to the Union of India on 26 October 1947.
While the invading Pakistanis spread across the State and looted Baramulla town just 50 km from the state capital, Srinagar, for several days starting 25 October 1947, the Maharaja signed Instrument of Accession to the Dominion of India on 26 October 1947. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah had already reached Delhi a day earlier on 25 October to persuade Nehru to send troops. He made no secret of the danger the State faced and asked Nehru to lose no time in accepting the accession and ensuring the speedy dispatch of Indian troops to the State. (Sheikh Abdullah corroborates this account in his Aatish-e-Chinaar (at pages 416 and 417) and records (at page 417) that V.P. Menon returned to Delhi on 26 October with signed Instrument of accession.) The Instrument was accepted by the Governor-General of India the next day, 27 October 1947. With this signing by the Maharaja and acceptance by the Governor-General, the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir became a part of Dominion of India as per the Indian Independence Act 1947 passed by the British parliament.
By this time the raiders were close to the capital, Srinagar Indian troops were airlifted from Delhi, landed at Srinagar airport in Kashmir on 27 October 1947 and secured the airport before proceeding to evict the invaders from Kashmir valley.
The Indian troops managed to evict the aggressors from parts of Kashmir but the onset of winter made much of the state impassable. After weeks of intense fighting between Pakistan and India, Pakistani leaders and the Indian Prime Minister Nehru declared a ceasefire and sought U.N. arbitration with the promise of a plebiscite. In 1957, north-western Kashmir was fully integrated into Pakistan, becoming Azad Kashmir (Pakistan-administered Kashmir). In 1962, China occupied Aksai Chin, the north-eastern region bordering Ladakh. In 1984, India launched Operation Meghdoot and captured more than 80% of the Siachen Glacier.
Pakistan now maintains Kashmiris’ right to self-determination through a plebiscite and the promised plebiscite should be allowed to decide the fate of the Kashmiri people. India on the other hand asserts that with the Maharaja’s signing the instrument of accession, Kashmir has become an integral part of India.
Due to all such political differences, this territorial claim has been the subject of wars between the two countries in 1947 and 1965, and a limited conflict in 1999. The state remains divided between the two countries by the Line of Control (LoC), which demarcates the ceasefire line agreed upon in the 1947 conflict modified in 1972 as per Simla Agreement.
Wars, conflicts and disputes
India and Pakistan have fought in numerous armed conflicts since their independence. There are three major wars that have taken place between the two states, namely in 1947, 1965 and the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. In addition to this was the unofficial Kargil War in 1999 and some border skirmishes.
War of 1965
The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 started following the culmination of clashes that took place between April 1965 and September 1965 and Pakistan’s Operation Gibraltar, which was designed to infiltrate forces into Jammu and Kashmir to precipitate an insurgency against rule by India. India retaliated by launching a full-scale military attack on West Pakistan. The seventeen-day war caused thousands of casualties on both sides and witnessed the largest engagement of armored vehicles and the largest tank battle since World War II. Hostilities between the two countries ended after a United Nations-mandated ceasefire was declared following diplomatic intervention by the Soviet Union and the United States, and the subsequent issuance of the Tashkent Declaration. The five-week war caused thousands of casualties on both sides. Most of the battles were fought by opposing infantry and armoured units, with substantial backing from air forces, and naval operations. It ended in a United Nations (UN) mandated ceasefire and the subsequent issuance of the Tashkent Declaration.
Pakistan, since independence, was geo-politically divided into two major regions, West Pakistan and East Pakistan. East Pakistan was occupied mostly by Bengali people. After a
War of 1971
Pakistani military operation and a genocide on Bengalis in December 1971, following a political crisis in East Pakistan, the situation soon spiralled out of control in East Pakistan and India intervened in favour of the rebelling Bengali populace. The conflict, a brief but bloody war, resulted in the independence of East Pakistan. In the war, the Indian Army invaded East Pakistan from three sides, while the Indian Navy used the aircraft carrier INS Vikrant (R11) to impose a naval blockade of East Pakistan. The war saw the first offensive operations undertaken by the Indian Navy against an enemy port, when Karachi harbour was attacked twice during Operation Trident (1971) and Operation Python. These attacks destroyed a significant portion of Pakistan’s naval strength, whereas no Indian ship was lost. The Indian Navy did, however, lose a single ship, when INS Khukri (F149) was torpedoed by a Pakistani submarine. 13 days after the invasion of East Pakistan, 90,000 Pakistani military personnel surrendered to the Indian Army and the Mukti Bahini. After the surrender of Pakistani forces, East Pakistan became the independent nation of Bangladesh.
Kargil War
During the winter months of 1998-99, the Indian army vacated its posts at very high peaks in Kargil sector in Kashmir as it used to do every year. Pakistani Army intruded across the line of control and occupied the posts. Indian army discovered this in May 1999 when the snow thawed. This resulted in intense fighting between Indian and Pakistani forces, known as the Kargil conflict. Backed by the Indian Air Force, the Indian Army regained many of the posts that Pakistan had occupied. Pakistan later withdrew from the remaining portion under international pressure and high casualties.
Water disputes
The Indus Waters Treaty governs the rivers that flow from India into Pakistan. Water is cited as one possible cause for a conflict between the two nations, but to date issues such as the Nimoo Bazgo Project have been resolved through diplomacy.
Bengal refugee crisis (1949)
In 1949, India recorded close to 1 million Hindu refugees, who flooded into West Bengal and other states from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), owing to communal violence, intimidation and repression from authorities. The plight of the refugees outraged Hindus and Indian nationalists, and the refugee population drained the resources of Indian states, which were unable to absorb them. While not ruling out war, Prime Minister Nehru and Sardar Patel invited Liaquat Ali Khan for talks in Delhi. Although many Indians termed this appeasement, Nehru signed a pact with Liaquat Ali Khan that pledged both nations to the protection of minorities and creation of minority commissions. Khan and Nehru also signed a trade agreement, and committed to resolving bilateral conflicts through peaceful means. Steadily, hundreds of thousands of Hindus returned to East Pakistan, but the thaw in relations did not last long, primarily owing to the Kashmir conflict.
Insurgent activities
The hijacking of Indian Airlines Flight IC 814 en route New Delhi from Kathmandu, Nepal. The plane was hijacked on 24 December 1999 approximately one hour after takeoff and was taken to Amritsar airport and then to Lahore in Pakistan. After refuelling the plane took off for Dubai and then finally landed in Kandahar, Afghanistan.
The 2001 Indian Parliament attack was an attack at the Parliament of India in New Delhi on 13 December 2001, during which fourteen people, including the five men who attacked the building, were killed. The perpetrators were Lashkar-e-Taiba (Let) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) terrorists.
The 2001–2002 India–Pakistan standoff was a military standoff between India and Pakistan that resulted in the massing of troops on either side of the border and along the Line of Control (LoC) in the region of Kashmir. This was the first major military standoff between India and Pakistan since the Kargil War in 1999.
The 2007 Samjhauta Express bombings was a terrorist attack targeted on the Samjhauta Express train on 18 February.
The 2008 Mumbai attacks by ten Pakistani terrorists killed over 173 and wounded 308. The sole surviving gunman Ajmal Kasab who was arrested during the attacks was found to be a Pakistani national.
Weapons of mass destruction
India has a long history of development of nuclear weapons. Origins of India’s nuclear program dates back to 1944, when started its nuclear program soon after its independence. In the 1940s–1960s, India’s nuclear program slowly matured towards militarization and expanded the nuclear power infrastructure throughout the country. Decisions on the development of nuclear weapons were made by Indian political leaders after the Chinese invasion and territorial annexation of northern India. In 1967, India’s nuclear program was aimed at the development of nuclear weapons, with Indira Gandhi carefully overseeing the development of weapons. In 1971, India gained military and political momentum over Pakistan, after a successful military campaign against Pakistan. Starting preparations for a nuclear test in 1972, India finally exploded its first nuclear bomb in Pokhran test range, codename Smiling Buddha, in 1974. During the 1980s–90s, India began development of space and nuclear rockets, which marked Pakistan’s efforts to engage in the space race with India. Pakistan’s own program developed space and nuclear missiles and began unmanned flight tests of its space vehicles in the mid-1990s, which continues in the present.
After the defeat in the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971, Pakistan launched its own nuclear bomb program in 1972, and accelerated its efforts in 1974, after India exploded its first nuclear bomb in Pokhran test range, codename Smiling Buddha. This large-scale nuclear bomb program was directly in response to India’s nuclear program. In 1983, Pakistan achieved a major milestone in its efforts after it covertly performed a series of non-fission tests, codename Kirana-I. No official announcements of such cold tests were made by Pakistan government. In 1988, a mutual understanding was reached between the two countries in which each pledged not to attack nuclear facilities. Agreements on cultural exchanges and civil aviation were also initiated, also in 1988. Finally, in 1998, India exploded its second nuclear test (Pokhran-II) which invited Pakistan to follow the latter’s step and performed its own atomic tests (Chagai-I and Chagai-II).
Talks and other confidence building measures
After the 1971 war, Pakistan and India made slow progress towards the normalization of relations. In July 1972, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Pakistani President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto met in the Indian hill station of Simla. They signed the Simla Agreement, by which India would return all Pakistani personnel (over 90,000) and captured territory in the west, and the two countries would “settle their differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations.” Diplomatic and trade relations were also re-established in 1976.
1990s
In 1997, high-level Indo-Pakistan talks resumed after a three-year pause. The Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India met twice and the foreign secretaries conducted three rounds of talks. In June 1997, the foreign secretaries identified eight “outstanding issues” around which continuing talks would be focused.
In September 1997, the talks broke down over the structure of how to deal with the issues of Kashmir, and peace and security. Pakistan advocated that the issues be treated by separate working groups. India responded that the two issues be taken up along with six others on a simultaneous basis.
2000s
In 2001, a summit was called in Agra; Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf turned up to meet Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. The talks fell through.
On 20 June 2004, with a new government in place in India, both countries agreed to extend a nuclear testing ban and to set up a hotline between their foreign secretaries aimed at preventing misunderstandings that might lead to a nuclear war.
Baglihar Dam issue was a new issue raised by Pakistan in 2005.
Some improvements in the relations are seen with the re-opening of a series of transportation networks near the India–Pakistan border, with the most important being bus routes and railway lines.
In 2006, a “Friends Without Borders” scheme began with the help of two British tourists. The idea was that Indian and Pakistani children would make pen pals and write friendly letters to each other. The idea was so successful in both countries that the organization found it “impossible to keep up”. The World’s Largest Love Letter was recently sent from India to Pakistan.
2010s
On 10 February 2011, India agreed to resume talks with Pakistan which were suspended after 26/11 Mumbai Attacks. India had put on hold all the diplomatic relations saying it will only continue if Pakistan will act against the accused of Mumbai attacks.
On 13 April 2012 following a thaw in relations whereby India gained MFN status in the country, India announced the removal of restrictions on FDI investment from Pakistan to India.
The Foreign Minister of Pakistan on 11 July 2012, stated in Pnom Penh that her country is willing to resolve some of the disputes like, Sir Creek and Siachan on the basis of agreements reached in past. On 7 September 2012, Indian External Affairs Minister would pay 3-day visit to Pakistan to review the progress of bilateral dialogue with his Pakistani counterpart.
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Indo–Middle East
Middle East
Arab states of the Persian Gulf
India and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf enjoy strong cultural and economic ties. This is reflected in the fact that more than 50% of the oil consumed by India comes from the Persian Gulf countries and Indian nationals form the largest expatriate community in the Arabian peninsula. The annual remittance by Indian expatriates in the region amounted to US$20 billion in 2007. India is one of the largest trading partners of the CCASG with non-oil trade between India and Dubai alone amounting to US$19 billion in 2007. The Persian Gulf countries have also played an important role in addressing India’s energy security concerns, with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait regularly increasing their oil supply to India to meet the country’s rising energy demand. In 2005, Kuwait increased its oil exports to India by 10% increasing the net oil trade between the two to US$4.5 billion. In 2008, Qatar decided to invest US$5 billion in India’s energy sector.
India has maritime security arrangement in place with Oman and Qatar. In 2008, a landmark defence pact was signed, under which India committed its military assets to protect “Qatar from external threats”. There has been progress in a proposed deep-sea gas pipeline from Qatar, via Oman, to India.
Bahrain
India is a close ally of Bahrain, the Kingdom along with its GCC partners are (according to Indian officials) among the most prominent backers of India’s bid for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, and Bahraini officials have urged India to play a greater role in international affairs. For instance, over concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme Bahrain’s Crown Prince appealed to India to play an active role in resolving the crisis.
Bahrain’s ruler Sheikh Hamad Bin Isa Al-Khalifa visited India in February 2014 during which the two countries signed a number of MOUs during which US$450 million of bilateral trade and investment were signed. The Prime minister, the President and various ministers from India met and discussed trade and the 350,000+ Indians staying and living on the island. India expressed its support for Bahrain’s bid for a non-permanent seat in the Security council in 2026-27.
Egypt
Modern Egypt-India relations go back to the contacts between Saad Zaghloul and Mohandas Gandhi on the common goals of their respective movements of independence. In 1955, Egypt under Gamal Abdul Nasser and India under Jawaharlal Nehru became the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement. During the 1956 War, Nehru stood supporting Egypt to the point of threatening to withdraw his country from the Commonwealth of Nations. In 1967, following the Arab–Israeli conflict, India supported Egypt and the Arabs. In 1977, New Delhi described the visit of President Anwar al-Sadat to Jerusalem as a “brave” move and considered the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel a primary step on the path of a just settlement of the Middle East problem. Major Egyptian exports to India include raw cotton, raw and manufactured fertilisers, oil and oil products, organic and non-organic chemicals, leather and iron products. Major imports into Egypt from India are cotton yarn, sesame, coffee, herbs, tobacco, lentils, pharmaceutical products and transport equipment. The Egyptian Ministry of Petroleum is also currently negotiating the establishment of a natural gas-operated fertiliser plant with another Indian company. In 2004 the Gas Authority of India Limited, bought 15% of Egypt Nat Gas distribution and marketing company. In 2008 Egyptian investment in India was worth some 750 million dollars.
The current Indian investment in Egypt stands at US$2.5 billion in about 45 projects.
Iran
India–Iran relations refers to the bilateral relations between the countries India and Iran. Independent India and Iran established diplomatic relations on 15 March 1950. During much of the Cold War period, relations between the Republic of India and the erstwhile Imperial State of Iran suffered due to their different political interests—non-aligned India fostered strong military links with the Soviet Union, while Iran enjoyed close ties with the United States. Following the 1979 revolution, relations between Iran and India strengthened momentarily. However, Iran’s continued support for Pakistan and India’s close relations with Iraq during the Iran–Iraq War impeded further development of Indo–Iranian ties. In the 1990s, India and Iran supported the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan against the Taliban regime. They continue to collaborate in supporting the broad-based anti-Taliban government led by Ashraf Ghani and backed by the United States. The two countries signed a defence cooperation agreement in December 2002.
From the economic perspective, Iran is the second largest supplier of crude oil to India, supplying more than 425,000 barrels of oil per day, and consequently India is one of the largest foreign investors in Iran’s oil and gas industry. In 2011, the US$12 billion annual oil trade between India and Iran was halted due to extensive economic sanctions against Iran, forcing the Indian oil ministry to pay off the debt through a banking system through Turkey.
From the geopolitical perspective, even though the two countries share some common strategic interests, India and Iran differ significantly on key foreign policy issues. India has expressed strong opposition against Iran’s nuclear programme and whilst both nations continue to oppose the Taliban, India supports the presence of NATO forces in Afghanistan unlike Iran.
Iraq
The bilateral relations between the Republic of Iraq and the Republic of India have traditionally been friendly and collaborative. Cultural interaction and economic trade between Indus Valley and Mesopotamia date back to 1800 BCE. The 1952 Treaty of Friendship established and strengthened ties between contemporary India and Iraq. By the 1970s, Iraq was regarded as one of India’s closest allies in the Middle East.
Ties between India and Iraq were disrupted during the Iran–Iraq War, the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 Iraq War. However, the bilateral relations normalised after the establishment of democratic government in Iraq.
India’s ties with Iraq suffered due to the UN sanctions on Iraq, but India soon developed trade within the Oil-for-Food programme, which permitted Iraq to export oil for essential goods.[17] However, a 2005 investigation of the programme revealed that the then-Indian minister of external affairs Natwar Singh and the congress party had possibly received kickbacks from the Baathist regime, leading to his resignation and at the request of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
Israel
India–Israel relations refers to the bilateral ties between the Republic of India and the State of Israel. The two countries have an extensive economic, military, and strategic relationship.
Israel is represented through an embassy in New Delhi, and one consulate each in Mumbai and Bengaluru. India is represented through its embassy in Tel Aviv.
India is the largest buyer of Israeli military equipment and Israel is the second-largest defence supplier to India after Russia. From 1999 to 2009, the military business between the two nations was worth around $9 billion. Military and strategic ties between the two nations extend to intelligence sharing on terrorist groups and joint military training.
As of 2014, India is the third-largest Asian trade partner of Israel, and tenth-largest trade partner overall. In 2014, bilateral trade, excluding military sales, stood at US$4.52 billion. Relations further expanded during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s administration, with India abstaining from voting against Israel in the United Nations in several resolutions. As of 2015, the two nations are negotiating an extensive bilateral free trade agreement, focusing on areas such as information technology, biotechnology, and agriculture.
Bilateral trade between India and Israel grew from $200 million in 1992 to $5.84 billion in 2018. As of 2014, India is Israel’s tenth-largest trade partner and import source, and seventh-largest export source.
Lebanon
India and Lebanon enjoy cordial and friendly relations based on many similarities such as political system based on parliamentary democracy, non-alignment, human rights, commitment to a just world order, regional and global peace, liberal market economy and a vibrant entrepreneurial spirit. In the light of these similarities, there is good potential for strengthening ongoing bilateral ties.
India established diplomatic relations with Lebanon in 1954 and maintained its diplomatic representation in Beirut throughout the civil war except for a brief closure of about two months from August 5 to October 16, 1989 following the escalation of fighting in Beirut, as contrary to a large number of other foreign Embassies in Beirut which closed down during the period of the civil war (1975-1990). During this period, there was limited bilateral interaction between the two countries. Indo-Lebanese trade, which had come to a virtual halt during the civil war, has increased in recent years. The total trade between Lebanon and India was to the tune of US$13.60 million in 1993. During the seven-year period from 1993 to 1999, trade grew at a slow pace and could only reach US$55 million in 1999.
However, after 2000 there has been a marked difference, especially with increased awareness and recognition in Lebanon of India’s economic, technological, political and strategic influence, its large manufacturing base, its strength in services, and its ability to remain relatively unscathed in the face of regional and international financial crises. The two-way bilateral trade till end-Dec 2012 is USD 370 million with the balance of trade predominantly in favour of country.
Oman
In 2010, bilateral trade between India and Oman stood at $4.5 billion. India was Oman’s second largest destination for its non-oil exports and its fourth largest source for imports. Indian and Omani firms have undertaken joint ventures in a wide range of sectors including fertilisers, pharmaceuticals, energy and engineering.[9] The Oman-India Fertiliser Company (OMIFCO) plant at Sur in Oman and the Bharat-Oman Oil Refinery at Bina have been set up as joint ventures between Indian public sector companies and Oman Oil Company.[10][11]
India has been considering the construction of a 1,100-km-long underwater natural gas pipeline from Oman. Called the South Asia Gas Enterprise (SAGE), it will act as an alternative to the Iran–Pakistan–India pipeline. The project has been slow in materialising although it was first mooted in 1985.
Palestine
After India achieved its independence in 1947, the country has moved to support Palestinian self-determination following the partition of British India. In the light of a religious partition between India and Pakistan, the impetus to boost ties with Muslim states around the world was a further tie to India’s support for the Palestinian cause. Though it started to waver in the late 1980s and 1990s as the recognition of Israel led to diplomatic exchanges, the ultimate support for the Palestinian cause was still an underlying concern. Beyond the recognition for Palestinian self-determination ties have been largely dependent upon socio-cultural bonds, while economic relations were neither cold nor warm.
India recognised Palestine’s statehood following its own declaration on 18 November 1988; although relations were first established in 1974.
PNA President Abbas paid a State visit to India in September 2012, during which India pledged $10 million as aid. Indian officials said it was the third such donation, adding that New Delhi was committed to helping other development projects. India also pledged support to Palestine’s bid for full and equal membership of the UN.
Saudi Arabia
Trade and cultural links between ancient India and Arabia date back to the third millennium BC. By 1000 AD, the trade relations between southern India and Arabia flourished and became the backbone of the Arabian economy. Arab traders held a monopoly over the spice trade between India and Europe until the rise of European imperialist empires.
India–Saudi Arabia relations or Indo-Saudi relations are the bilateral relationship between the Republic of India and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Relations between the two nations are generally strong and close, especially in commercial interests. Indo-Saudi bilateral trade reached US$27.48 billion in the financial year 2017–18, up from US$25.1 billion in the preceding year. Saudi Arabia’s exports to India stood at US$22.06 billion whereas India’s exports were US$5.41 billion.
Saudi imports from India amounted to $7 billion or 2.7% of India’s overall exports in 2015. The 10 major commodities exported from India to Saudi Arabia were:
Oil: $1.8 billion
Cereals: $1.1 billion
Machinery: $459 million
Iron or steel products: $367.8 million
Organic chemicals: $336.8 million
Meat: $267.9 million
Vehicles: $229 million
Ceramic products: $217.4 million
Electronic equipment: $203.9 million
Clothing (not knit or crochet): $162.8 million
Saudi exports to India amounted to $21.4 billion or 5.5% of India’s overall imports in 2015. The 10 major commodities exported from Saudi Arabia to India were:
Oil: $16.4 billion
Organic chemicals: $1.2 billion
Plastics: $954.2 million
Fertilizers: $729.9 million x/, x ‘]]nkwisc
Gems, precious metals: $631.4 million
Aircraft, spacecraft: $542.9 million
Inorganic chemicals: $199.5 million
Aluminum: $193.6 million
Copper: $142.9 million
Other chemical goods: $95.3 million
In 2018, the bilateral trade relations between the two countries hit $27.5 billion.
Syria
Bilateral relations between the India and Syria are historic where the two have ancient civilisational ties. Both countries were on the silk route through which civilisational exchanges took place for centuries.
In 2006, Syria received investments from India worth US$84 million out a total of US$800 million. India was, therefore, the third highest investor (behind Iran’s lead) in the country and ahead of Germany’s with US$24 million (while the EU as a whole put in US$155 million).
Turkey
India–Turkey relations refer to foreign relations between India and Turkey. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between India and Turkey in 1948, political and bilateral relations have been usually characterised by warmth and cordiality, although some sporadic tensions remain due to Turkey’s support for Pakistan, India’s rival.
More than 150 companies with Indian capital have registered businesses in Turkey in the form of joint-ventures, trade and representative offices. Turkey ranks 41st overall in terms of FDI inflows to India. Cumulative Turkish direct investment into India amounts to US$ 87.18 million (April 2000 – Apri2014). In September 2019, Turkey had criticized India on the issue of Jammu and Kashmir and the revocation of article 370. It made vocal comments against India at the United Nations. Thereby it favoured the position of Pakistan in this respect. Due to this the relationship between India and Turkey has caused a temporary strain.
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Indo–Central Asia
Central Asia
Kazakhstan
Indian–Kazakhstani relations are foreign relations between India and Kazakhstan. Diplomatic relations have increased in significance in the 21st century after initially remaining passive in the 1990s. Both nations seek to develop an extensive commercial and strategic partnership in the Central Asia region.
As of 2003, Indian–Kazakhstani trade stands at $78,910,000. India is working towards the development of its civilian nuclear energy industry as a clean alternative to satisfy its huge energy needs. Since Kazakhstan has plenty of the uranium required for nuclear energy, India is developing a strong relationship with Kazakhstan. India invited the Kazakh President for the Republic Day celebrations in New Delhi, in January 2009.
Total trade during 2014 was $952,260,000, Exports from India to Kazakhstan was $250,590,000 & Imports to India from Kazakhstan was $701,570,000 during the same year.
Mongolia
The relations between India and Mongolia are still at a nascent stage and Indo-Mongolian co-operation is limited to diplomatic visits, provision of soft loans and financial aid and the collaborations in the IT sector.
India established diplomatic relations in December 1955. India was the first country outside the Soviet bloc to establish diplomatic relations with Mongolia. Since then, there have been treaties of mutual friendship and co-operation between the two countries in 1973, 1994, 2001 and 2004.
Tajikistan
The bilateral relations between the Republic of India and the Republic of Tajikistan have developed considerably owing to both nations’ co-operation on security and strategic issues. India has set up its first overseas military base Farkhor in Tajikistan. India also assisted in building Ayni hospital.
Diplomatic relations were established with Tajikistan’s independence following the 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union, which had been friendly with India. Tajikistan occupies a strategically important position in Central Asia, bordering Afghanistan, the People’s Republic of China and separated by a small strip of Afghan territory called the Wakhan Corridor from northern Gilgit–Baltistan (Pakistan-controlled Kashmir). Both Russia and China have sought to cultivate ties with Tajikistan, which has also been seen as important in the war in Afghanistan against the Islamist Taliban and Al-Qaeda. India’s role in fighting the Taliban and Al-Qaeda and its strategic rivalry with both China and Pakistan have made its ties with Tajikistan important to its strategic and security policies. Military presence in Tajikistan and its neighbouring Central Asian Republics has been coveted by the United States, Russia and China apart from India.
Despite their common efforts, bilateral trade has been comparatively low, valued at USD 12.09 million in 2005; India’s exports to Tajikistan were valued at USD 6.2 million and its imports at USD 5.89 million. To expand economic co-operation and trade, Tajikistan and India established an inter-governmental commission on trade, economic, scientific and technical co-operation and have encouraged investment and trade in hydroelectricity, transport, mining, food processing, construction and tourism. India has also offered to repair and modernise the Varzob-1 hydroelectric power plant.
Total Trade during 2016-17 was 42.33 US$ Million, Exports from India to Tajikistan was 20.51 US$ Million & Imports to India from Tajikistan was 21.82 US$ Million.
Kyrgyzstan
Historically, India has had close contacts with Central Asia, especially countries which were part of the ancient Silk Route, including Kyrgyzstan. During the Soviet era, India and the Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic had limited political, economic and cultural contacts.
Former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi visited Bishkek and Issyk Kul Lake in 1985. Since the independence of Kyrgyz Republic on 31 August 1991, India was among the first to establish diplomatic relations in 1992; the resident Mission of India was set up in 1994. Turkmenistan
India-Kyrgyz trade was US$38.53 million in 2014-15. India’s exports to Kyrgyzstan was US$37.76 million whereas Kyrgyz exports to India was US$0.77 million. Apparel and clothing, leather goods, drugs and pharmaceuticals, fine chemicals, and tea are some of the important items in India’s export basket to Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyz exports to India consist of raw hides, metalliferous ores and metal scrap etc.
Uzbekistan
India–Uzbekistan relations refers to the international relations that exist between the Republic of India and the Republic of Uzbekistan. India has an embassy in Tashkent; Uzbekistan has an embassy in New Delhi. Background
Relations between Uzbekistan and India have their roots deep in history. There are frequent references to Kamboja in Sanskrit and Pali literature, which is stated to include parts of present-day Uzbekistan. Sakas participated in Mahabharata on the side of Kauravas. Ancient trade route Uttarpath passed through Uzbekistan. In later years, Fergana, Samarkand, Bukhara in Uzbekistan emerged as major towns on the trade routes linking India with Europe and China. At various times the Saka / Scythian, Macedonian, Greco-Bactrian, Kushan Kingdoms included parts of both India and present day Uzbekistan, and at other times they were part of neighbouring empires. Buddhism is said to have travelled to China through Uzbekistan and Central Asia. Amir Timur was born near Shahrisabz and Babur came from Fergana in Uzbekistan. Indian merchants based in Samarkand and Bukhara were an integral part of local economy. Interactions over thousands of years contributed to close cultural linkages in architecture, dance, music and cuisine. Mirza Ghalib and Amir Khusro are notable Indians of Uzbek parentage. Indian movies have traditionally been popular in Uzbekistan.
India had close interaction with the Uzbek SSR during the Soviet times. Indian leaders often visited Tashkent and other places. Prime Minister, Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri died in Tashkent on 11 January 1966 after signing the Tashkent declaration with Pakistan.
In August 1991, as the events leading to the disintegration of the USSR unfolded, President Islam Karimov, then Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Uzbekistan, was visiting India. Uzbekistan became independent on 01 September 1991.
Bilateral trade between India and Uzbekistan stood at US$235 million in 2017-18.
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